AMMAN — Alaa Khalil, 42, has been selling T-shirts and sweaters on a busy pavement in central Amman for 30 years. Al Husseini mosque is just a five-minute walk from his wooden tables and untidy mannequins. The mosque has been a focus point of nearly all the demonstrations here since the Arab Spring began.“I just work day and night,” said Mr. Khalil as he watched passersby. “I don’t follow the news or care anymore because some Jordanians have been protesting for political and economic reform for months and nothing has really changed.”
Although youth groups announced plans to protest in favor of reform this week, a few staunch supporters of the regime showed up instead, carrying photos of the king and signs denouncing calls for a constitutional monarchy...
(Image 'Arab Protests' by Brain Stone -- Twitter: @Brian_Stone860
As I watch the Arab Spring, I recognize the road ahead will be long and difficult. While many Arabs are calling for democracy, the region continues to lack democrats, a key component for any political, cultural and social revolution.
Two years ago I interviewed Khaled AlMajali, director of the Jordanian correctional facilities for a story on prison reform. He mentioned the difficulties he faced in persuading officers that the notorious prison system needed reform and that it was not only necessary but also noble. "Every time there is change, there is struggle and resistance," explained AlMajali. "Otherwise it is not really change."
I never grasped the significance of his struggle until today. The Arab Spring, though too early to judge, will not succeed without simultaneously working on creating social democrats if we want to see a more prosperous, pluralistic and promising Middle East.
I realize many Arabs across the region watched in awe and supported vehemently young Arabs peacefully protesting against injustice. For several days and weeks, it seemed like the whole Arab world was united; our way of life and political systems were no longer tolerable.
Although political systems remain to be the core problem, the education system, economic divide, cultural outlook and even social relationships need to be examined as we look forward. Going to the ballot is meaningless without transparent and policy-based elections. As we have learned, it is not enough for Iraqis to show a purple index finger to the cameras or for Arabs to vote in rigged and tribal elections.
I grew up in Jordan always thinking that comprehensive reform was in fact the only way a country can survive and become part of the international community. I now know, like AlMajali, that not everyone believes in reform.
Arab governments have continued to enforce a system of education that praises rote learning and memorization rather than analysis and critical thinking. The key to change, explains Marwan Muasher of the Carnegie Endowment, is reforming an education system dependent on obedience and one that views pluralism and diversity as a threat.
Governments have prevented non-governmental organizations and community leaders from becoming politically active and powerful, fearing their own demise. They have also prevented the press, through direct and indirect means, to act as a watchdog.
Ironically, these were all political steps taken by Arab governments to prevent the very thing we are witnessing today.
In the aftermath of the toppling of at least two regimes so far and demonstrations taking place across the region, what do we hope to achieve? What kind of society do we want to live in? What role will religion play in the already religious judicial system? Do we want to truly embrace democracy?
Democracy is a way of life. Social democrats understand and respect an individual's rights while simultaneously recognizing the concept of citizenship. Until we begin the fundamental process of creating a 'culture' of choice, ownership, leadership, critical thinking and creativity, we will not succeed in achieving comprehensive reform.
AMMAN — When Iraqi militias threatened Ghasswan Al Taee, 36, in 2006, he fled to Jordan. Five years later and with three children born here, his state of limbo has become a constant.
Since 2003 an estimated four million Iraqis have fled their homes, the largest exodus since Israel’s creation in 1948. Deepening violence and sectarian strife have led to the internal displacement of many Iraqis and have driven others out of the country, largely to Syria and Jordan, but also to Lebanon, Egypt, Turkey and the Gulf.